Presidential Nominee Dole Questions Smoking's Addictiveness, Danger; National Attention Turns to Tobacco Money in Politics
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SCARC ACTION ALERT -- July 31, 1996
Presidential Nominee Dole Questions Smoking's Addictiveness, Danger; National Attention Turns to Tobacco Money in Politics
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When these political action committees give money, they expect something in return other than good government.
Bob Dole commenting on special interest donations in 1983, as cited by Morton Mintz, WASHINGTON MONTHLY, July/August 1996, p. 23.I think character is a legitimate issue and I look forward to having that discussion. But I think that you can demonstrate character most effectively by what you fight for and for whom you fight.
President Clinton, WASHINGTON POST, July 16, 1996, p. A5.- SUMMARY
- KEEPING THE STORY OF TOBACCO MONEY & POLITICS ALIVE
- OBJECTIVES
- USEFUL FACTS
- TOBACCO INDUSTRY CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS
- DATA
- QUOTES
- FRAMING SUGGESTIONS AND MEDIA BITES
- SUGGESTED ACTIONS
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SUMMARY
*******************************************************As the Presidential election campaign gains momentum and new figures show that the tobacco industry has given more money in political donations this election year than ever before, tobacco control advocates are calling for the national political parties, as well as individual candidates, to reject all tobacco company political contributions. The issue of tobacco money was thrust into presidential politics when presumptive GOP nominee Bob Dole questioned the addictiveness of tobacco and compared the dangers of smoking to those of drinking milk.
The Clinton-Gore re-election campaign used Dole's comment as an opportunity to draw attention to Dole's longstanding financial ties to the tobacco industry and to contrast Dole's efforts to protect children from tobacco with Clinton's. Supporting these claims, the Clinton campaign released a list of tobacco-related contributions to Dole's political campaigns and other groups linked to Dole throughout his career amounting to $477,550. Further alluding to a connection between Dole and the tobacco industry, the Clinton campaign noted that Philip Morris had been running ads in Europe comparing the dangers of secondhand smoking to those of drinking milk, at the very same time Dole made his "milk comment." Dole's questioning tobacco's addictiveness drew bi-partisan scorn, including criticism from former Surgeon General C. Everett Koop.
The Clinton campaign's decision to frame Dole's comments to suggest that Dole had been "bought" by the tobacco industry also helped generate a broader interest in the issue of corporate money's undue influence on politics. Several weeks after the Dole/Clinton exchange began, a study by Common Cause reported that the tobacco industry gave more than $1.6 million to the Republican Party and $334,600 to the Democratic Party in the first half of 1996, the most ever given by the tobacco industry to the political parties in the first six months of an election year.
After raising the issue of Dole's tobacco industry donations, the Democratic party was forced to explain its own long-standing ties to the tobacco industry. Individual Democratic legislators, particularly Congressional leaders, accept large amounts of tobacco industry money. The Democratic National Committee (DNC) continues to accept a great deal of tobacco money, but much of it is transferred to state party coffers, making it less visible than donations to individual candidates. The DNC collected $900,000 in "soft money" from the tobacco industry between 1993 and 1995.
Tobacco control advocates have also used the public interest generated by Dole's statements to draw attention to the role tobacco money plays in politics. On July 11, the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids called on both political parties to stop accepting tobacco industry money. Grassroots advocates are also encouraging individuals to urge both national and state political parties to stop accepting tobacco money. Interest in state-level activity was generated in part by the Texas Democratic Party's announcement that it would no longer accept tobacco industry donations. According to the state party chairman, the decision was made on the grounds that the donations could create a conflict of interest at a time when the state is suing the tobacco companies. When RJ Reynolds offered to give $10,000 to the Colorado Democratic Party, the state party leadership was unsure about whether to take the money. However, after news of the offer was reported, RJR withdrew its offer.
KEEPING THE STORY OF TOBACCO MONEY & POLITICS ALIVE
Even though the initial interest in Dole's comments and his connections to the tobacco industry has died down, tobacco control advocates can help sustain interest in the issue of tobacco money in politics. Piggybacking on election-related news, advocates can help sow media interest in tobacco issues by framing politicians' stance on tobacco and tobacco money as a barometer of their political and personal character. For example, Dole's willingness to question nicotine's addictiveness, a fact so obvious to the public and so well documented, revealed his unbreakable connection to special interests and the lengths to which he will go to defend them. Likewise, the Democrats' willingness to accept tobacco money, even at the risk of appearing hypocritical, reveals the power tobacco companies have in funding politics.
*******************************************************OBJECTIVES
*******************************************************1) To call on the national political parties to reject tobacco campaign contributions in all forms.
2) To frame the issue of tobacco and tobacco money as a "character issue" in this year's election.
3) To draw attention to the influence tobacco money has on derailing and destroying effective, comprehensive tobacco control policies.
4) To neutralize the effect that tobacco industry money has on public policy by making it politically dangerous for politicians to support pro-tobacco policies for fear that they will appear to be "bought" by the tobacco industry.
*******************************************************USEFUL FACTS
******************************************************** A 1994 study published in the JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION found that the more money a Member of the U.S. House of Representatives received from the tobacco industry, the less likely the Member was to support tobacco control legislation.
Stephen Moore, et. al, "Epidemiology of Failed Tobacco Control Legislation," JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION, October 19, 1994, p. 1171.
* A 1996 U.S. Public Interest Research Group (U.S. PIRG) study reported that the 124 Representatives who signed a letter opposing the Food and Drug Administration's proposal to regulate the sale and marketing of tobacco to children received 69 times the average donation from tobacco companies received by the 86 Representatives who signed a pledge to support the regulations.
U.S. PIRG, March 14, 1996.
TOBACCO INDUSTRY CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS
* The tobacco industry donated $1,638,642 to the Republican Party and $334,600 to the Democratic Party in the first half of 1996, the most ever given by the tobacco industry to any party in any quarter in an election year.
Common Cause, "Tobacco Interests, Philip Morris Set New Soft Money Records," July 29, 1996.
* The Republican national committees accepted $2,369,534 from the tobacco industry in 1995; $2,162,413 between 1993-1994; and $1,901,875 between 1991-1992.
Center for Responsive Politics, as cited in USA TODAY, July 3, 1996, p. A5.
* The Democratic national committees accepted $423,962 from the tobacco industry in 1995; $356,150 between 1993-1994; and $923,362 between 1991-1992.
Center for Responsive Politics, as cited in USA TODAY, July 3, 1996, p. A5.
* The nation's 13 tobacco PACs donated nearly $10 million to Congressional campaign coffers from 1986 to 1995.
U.S. PIRG (U.S. Public Interest Research Group), March 14, 1996.
* The top 20 tobacco PAC recipients in the current Congress include 12 Democrats and 8 Republicans. Between 1986 and 1995, Rep. Thomas Bliley (R-VA) received $123,976; Rep. Charlie Rose (D-NC), $104,800; Rep. Lewis Payne (D-VA), $92,899; Sen. Jesse Helms (R-NC), $77,000; Sen. Wendell Ford (D-KY), $76,057; Rep. Rick Boucher (D-VA), $75,350; Rep. Jim Bunning (R-KY), $72,450; Rep. Bill Hefner (D-NC), $70,350; Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY), $67,500; and Rep. Richard Gephardt (D-MO), $67,258.
Common Cause, "Smoke and Mirrors," March 14, 1996.
* Bob Dole accepted a total of $198,300 in tobacco industry contributions between 1979 and March 1996. This total includes donations to his Senate campaigns, Presidential campaigns, and his leadership PAC, "Campaign America."
Center for Responsive Politics, as cited in USA TODAY, July 3, 1996, p. A5.
* President Clinton does not accept tobacco PAC money. Vice President Gore accepted a total of $16,440 between 1979 and June 1995.
Center for Responsive Politics, as cited in USA TODAY, July 3, 1996, p. A5.
DATA
*******************************************************Forty-six percent of Americans say they would be less likely to vote for a candidate who takes money from tobacco, according to a June 1996 poll. Only five percent would be more likely to vote for a candidate who accepts tobacco money.
--Time/CNN, June 15, 1996.The percentage of adults who would be "much less likely" to vote for a member of Congress who was accepting campaign contributions from the tobacco companies rose from 36 percent to 47 percent between July, 1995 and February, 1996.
--Global Strategy Group, March 19, 1996.According to a July 1995 poll, almost 92 percent of voters believe that "special interest money influences decisions made by lawmakers."
--Mellman Group/Public Opinion Strategies, July 1995.Voters are less likely to vote for candidates if they feel the candidate's positions have been influenced by special interest money. For example, 65 percent of 1,000 eligible voters polled said they would be less likely to vote for a candidate who "voted to delay new meat inspection standards intended to remove contaminated beef and poultry from the market." But when the question made a link to campaign contributions, significantly more people said they would be less likely to support a candidate. Eighty percent of those polled would be less likely to vote for a candidate who "voted to delay new meat inspection standards. . . while taking contributions from the meat industry." Of those, 63 percent said they would "much less likely" to support the candidate.
--Lake Research, July 1995."quote" ******************************************************* USEFULQUOTES
*******************************************************To some people, smoking is addictive; to others, they can take it or leave it. Most people don't smoke at all. I hope children never start. --Presumptive GOP presidential nominee Bob Dole, on a campaign stop in Kentucky, WASHINGTON POST, June 14, 1996, p. A18.
We know it's [tobacco] not good for kids, but a lot of things aren't good. Some would say milk's not good. --Presumptive GOP presidential nominee Bob Dole, NEW YORK TIMES, June 16, 1996, p. 21.
Dole should spend more time looking at the scientific evidence [about nicotine's addictiveness] and less time counting his campaign contributions. --Joe Lockhart, Clinton-Gore re-election campaign press secretary, USA TODAY, June 14, 1996, p. A4.
Dole either expressed his abysmal lack of knowledge of nicotine addiction or his blind support of the tobacco industry.
--Former Surgeon General C. Everett Koop, commenting on Dole questioning whether tobacco is addictive, WASHINGTON POST, June 22, 1996, p. A3.Am I supposed to tell somebody in a legal business that they can't contribute to my campaign? --Presumptive GOP presidential candidate Bob Dole, responding to criticism that he accepted tobacco industry donations, WASHINGTON POST, June 15, 1996.
To take money from somebody whom the state government is suing runs the risk of appearing that they are trying to influence public policy. --Bill White, Chairman, Texas Democratic Party, discussing the grounds on which he decided the Texas Democratic Party would no longer accept contributions from the tobacco industry, NEW YORK TIMES, June 14, 1996, p. A20.
I have never fought even with the Republicans over their money [from tobacco companies]. It's just a question of does the money have an adverse impact on your policy. . . . These people, they're not criminals because they work for tobacco companies. They're citizens, they have the right to participate in the political process. . . . --President Bill Clinton, in an interview with Tom Brokaw, U.S. NEWSWIRE, July 16, 1996.
I think an argument could be made that you can accept [tobacco money] so long as it's not compromising your position. --Mike Beatty, Chairman, Colorado Democratic Party, DENVER POST, July 9, 1996.
We're asking politicians to stop trading our kids' lives for tobacco money. And we're urging voters to tell their elected officials that our kids are not for sale, and to stop taking tobacco cash. --William Novelli, President, National Center for Tobacco-Free Kids, press release, July 11, 1996.
I'd like to say to Senator Dole: Cut it out! Kick the tobacco money habit. And tell your friends to keep their hands off our kids. --Vice President Al Gore, at a rally protesting tobacco advertising, WASHINGTON POST, June 29, 1996, p. A12.
Bob Dole said in Kentucky that cigarettes are not necessarily addictive. You know, I think Dole's right. You know what's much more addictive than tobacco? It's campaign contributions from the tobacco industry. --"Tonight Show" host Jay Leno, as quoted in the NEW YORK TIMES, July 9, 1996.
[I]f Clinton and his party are going to accept money from the tobacco industry, then they ought not to expect Dole and the Republicans to forego this largesse. Truly, tobacco money is habit forming for both Democrats and Republicans. --Editorial, THE HILL (Washington, D.C.), July 10, 1996. *******************************************************
FRAMING SUGGESTIONS AND MEDIA BITES
*******************************************************"Emphasize the real connection between tobacco money and pro-tobacco policies."
The influence tobacco money has on tobacco policies is not hypothetical; the tobacco industry gets a good return on its investment. According to several recent studies, there is a link between receiving tobacco money and a pro-tobacco stance.
The tobacco industry is one of the largest political donors in the country. At the same time, the tobacco industry also sells the only consumer product not regulated for health and safety purposes and has been specifically exempted from any federal restrictions that would oversee its products.
The tobacco industry's pattern of giving isn't based on ideology but on spreading its influence. Before the GOP took over the majority in Congress in 1994, the tobacco companies gave almost evenly to the Republicans and Democrats. Was the money spread around because of diverse ideologies or because it was a way of hedging one's bets to ensure the investment paid off?
MEDIA BITES
- * Do you really feel that the tobacco lobby is just another citizen group expressing an honest concern about government interference with private freedom?
- * How do you feel about your representative or political party taking money from a special interest group that's the subject of five separate criminal grand jury investigations? That's not the street drug mafia we're talking about -- it's the tobacco lobby.
- * The tobacco industry is a "special interest" -- its interest is in maintaining its free rein to market and sell its products to children.
- SPELL OUT EXACTLY WHAT TOBACCO MONEY BUYS. SPELL OUT THE COST TO EACH OF US IN VOTES THAT RISK OUR CHILDREN'S SAFETY.
- This debate about tobacco and the influence of tobacco money in politics isn't just an empty rhetorical exchange -- it has real impact on the lives of our children.
MEDIA BITES
- * Tobacco money buys ineffective laws that do not protect children.
- * Tobacco money buys almost total freedom from federal regulation overseeing the content, marketing or sales of tobacco.
- * Tobacco money buys the industry time -- time to lure more children into a lifetime of addiction.
- EMPHASIZE THAT A POLITICIAN'S POSITION ON TOBACCO ISSUES AND THEIR ACCEPTANCE OF TOBACCO MONEY IS A "CHARACTER ISSUE."
- The statements from Bob Dole, a recipient of huge amounts of tobacco money, show that coziness with the tobacco industry may lead politicians to question inconvenient but incontrovertible scientific facts, such as the addictiveness of nicotine.
- There is no reason for a candidate to be stained by tobacco contributions. Many candidates and lawmakers don't accept tobacco contributions.
MEDIA BITES
- * Do you stand up for the health of America's children or for the tobacco industry?
- * Do we really want the Marlboro Man for President and the tobacco lobby writing tobacco prevention policies?
- * How do you feel about your representative raking in Joe Camel's kiddie cash in exchange for political IOU's?
- * When you vote, do you want to choose between candidates and parties who have demonstrated vision, integrity and wisdom in governing or candidates who have demonstrated that they can beg, borrow and barter for money from an industry promoting a deadly product?
- * What does it say about a candidate's integrity that he or she is accepting money from the tobacco industry: a lying, child-exploiting, corrupt lobby?
- * Tobacco companies have a RIGHT to donate money, but candidates also have the right NOT to accept that money or to support the tobacco industry's deadly business.
SUGGESTED ACTIONS
*******************************************************- Don Fowler, National Chairman, Democratic National Committee, 430 South Capitol St., SE, Washington, DC, 20003. The phone number is (202) 863-8000, fax (202) 863-8174.
- Peter Knight, Campaign Manager, Clinton/Gore '96, PO Box 19300, Washington, DC, 20036. The phone number is (202) 331-1996, fax (202) 496-1006.
- Haley Barbour, National Chairman, Republican National Committee, 310 First St. SE, Washington, DC, 20003. The phone number is (202) 863-8500, fax (202) 863-8774.
- Scott Reed, Campaign Manager, Dole for President, 810 First St. NE, Suite 300, Washington, DC, 20002. The phone number is (202) 414-6400, fax (202) 408-9466.
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Produced by: Smoking Control Advocacy Resource Center (SCARC)
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